Istanbul's Tailors (from winter 2014)

The period around the New Year in Turkey was one of considerable political upheaval, with the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan embroiled in a corruption scandal and frequent demonstrations in the streets and squares of Istanbul and other cities. In Moda, on the Asian side of Istanbul, one graffiti sprayed on bank windows and cement barriers during a nighttime demonstration read "This filth will be cleaned up by the people." And indeed, early the next morning a city worker was painting over the signs as others swept the debris of barricades and fires off the streets.

The people work a lot in Turkey. A six-day work-week is commonplace, and a seven-day one only moderately less so. Though many Turks own their own businesses, these are often one- or two-person operations requiring the owner’s constant presence.

A four-storey building in the Beyoğlu district of Istanbul houses 
no fewer than three tailors ("terzi").
Tailors are a prime example. Istanbul has what seems like a surfeit of them; each neighborhood has several, and some buildings even house two or three. This is partly the legacy of an earlier period in the city's history, when specialty shops tended to be concentrated on a single street or neighborhood (as in New York's one-time garment district). One can still see blocks or streets in Istanbul lined with engraving shops one after the other, or clusters of kitchen supply shops, lighting shops, gown salons and sundry other commercial venues in clusters.

The number of tailors in Istanbul is also surprising given the extent to which the trade has declined in other parts of the world. The widespread availability of inexpensive, off-the-rack clothing has made the cost of having clothes mended or altered seem impractical when new ones are so affordable. Ready-made clothing is no less available and no more expensive in Turkey, yet a great many tailors still make a living—however precarious—from their trade.

Over the period spanning December 31, 2013 to January 6, 2014, I conducted seven interviews with tailors working in different parts of Istanbul: in Kadıköy and Üsküdar on the Asian side, in Beyazıt near the famous Grand Bazaar, and in the old city center of Beyoğlu on the European side. The questions were not about politics or current events, but about work, and although the interviews were recorded, as all were conducted in Turkish, the recordings are not appended here. Instead, I have sought to summarize and relay highlights from the interviews to offer an impression of the working lives of Istanbul's tailors, how they are changing, and how these men and women view their trade.

Most of the tailors I approached were working when I entered their shops and kept at it 
Two tailors at work at Bizim Terzisi, Kadıköy
throughout the interview, at machines or on cutting tables or with needle and thread or marking chalk. Only one outright declined an interview; two others told me they would gladly agree to one, but were too busy at that moment with an order and asked if I could come back the following day or an hour or two later. The seven I did speak with were ready enough to answer questions, but the moment a customer came through the door—which happened at least once at each establishment during the course of the interview—their attention turned fully to the customer and I became as if invisible.

This was no small feat in several places, as a tailor's workshop in Istanbul tends to be a tiny space in the back of a residential building, up a flight or two of stairs, and not infrequently windowless. Unlike in the US, where their work is often combined with dry cleaning and occupies the same space, in Turkey tailors have shops of their own. Sometimes these enterprises are marked with a sign on the street "Terzi" (Tailor), but often you would only know there was a tailor in the building if you somehow already knew there was a tailor in the building. To get to Mustafa Altıntop's Model Tasarım Terzisi, for example, you have to pass through a curtain at the back of another shop, Hey Müzik ve Tekstil.

Ali Öner of Özlem Terzi in Beyazıt
Most of the tailors I spoke with were men whose origins were in eastern Turkey and who had been working as tailors for at least twenty years. Rıza Akbaş, who has a shop in Beyoğlu that specializes in making men's suits and jackets, told me that to be a good tailor a minimum of twenty years experience is necessary. Young tailors are now few and far between. Akbaş has an assistant, Mahmud Yavuz, who is twenty-three: "The youngest tailor in Turkey," Akbaş repeated twice during the interview. As I was preparing to take photographs, Yavuz stopped his ironing and came over to carefully straighten the measuring tape that was hanging around his boss's neck.

Though Yavuz is unusual in that he is still quite young, most tailors started learning the trade before they reached their teens, with apprenticeships of between six and eight years duration. Ali Öner of Özlem Terzi ın Beyazıt spoke about how he ran away from his home in eastern Anatolia at the age of thirteen and came to Istanbul, where he lived in a tailor's shop while working there as an apprentice. Kerim Erdoğan (no relation), who owns a shop in Beyoğlu, started his apprenticeship at age eleven. Coming from a very poor family, he added, the profession was chosen for him.

Mustafa Altıntop of Model Tasarım Terzisi, Kadıköy
In fact, although very few came from tailor families, most also did not choose the profession for themselves. A notable exception is Mustafa Altıntop, who had been doing piecework for a large clothing manufacturer in the eastern Anatolian city of Trabzon when he fell in love with a girl who worked as a tailor and decided to become one himself. "The love didn't last, but the trade did," he laughed. Like many practicing tailors in this city of 14 million, Altıntop works six or seven days a week. I spoke with him on New Year's Eve and he told me he would also be in the following day at around 11a.m., "What if someone needs something?" Like the others, he was clearly proud of his work and made several references to the "precision" he brought to the craft, and how customers are often referred by others who were satisfied with his work.

Müğe Deniz is atypical. She is a woman and young (like Yavuz she is just twenty-three), but like others in the business she started working in her mother's shop, Terzi Mukadder, at 
Mukadder Yılmaz and Müğe Deniz at Terzi Mukadder
age twelve and works long hours. In addition to helping out in her mother's shop in Üsküdar, she also teaches kindergarten and does secretarial work for a construction company. Her mother, Mukadder Yılmaz, who came in while I was speaking with Müğe, said nine-hour days, six days a week were the norm for her, and that she only ever dared to take vacations of three to four days for fear of losing customers. Though they feel that as women they bring a certain care to their work that men often do not, when asked what a typical tailor is like, both women pointed to a man in his late sixties with a mustache and a measuring tape around his neck who worked for them—and in fact did not cease working for the duration of my stay in the shop—and laughed.

Though the tailors in Beyoğlu similarly work long hours and six-day weeks, their situation is markedly better than that of tailors in other parts of the city. Their vacations are more leisurely, ten to fifteen days long, and their shops are large, consisting of two rooms—one for cutting and another for sewing. Both specialize in making clothing from scratch and their clientele tends to be wealthy and cosmopolitan; not everyone can afford to have a bespoke suit. Akbaş proudly showed me the business card of one of his clients, an official at the US consulate in Istanbul. 

Tailors from other parts of town generally designate Beyoğlu as the district where the best
Çağlar Kumaş (fabrics) across from Kerim Erdoğan's tailor shop in Beyoğlu.
 of Turkey's tailors can be found. The tailor who makes Prime Minister Erdoğan's suits, Terzi Amca, is based there. The reason for this concentration of skilled practitioners, says Kerim Erdoğan, is that Beyoğlu was historically home to Greeks and Armenians, the original master tailors from the Ottoman era. Most of them left or were driven out of the country over the course of the twentieth century as the Ottoman Empire collapsed and gave way to the modern Turkish Republic. But Beyoğlu continues to house the country's best tailors. One advantage of being there, Erdoğan said, was the proximity of fabric and trim shops. There is a fabric shop just across the street from him, Çağlar Kumaş, where, after the interview, I saw three men standing out front examining a bolt of fabric in the last minutes of daylight. 

The tailors in Beyoğlu are also among the few in the city who still specialize in making 
Rıza Akbaş in a three-piece suit he made himself (his assistant,
Mahmud Yavuz, is in the background)
clothing. Some of the tailors in other districts told me they used to do more clothing from scratch, but that their work had increasingly shifted to alterations and repairs. When asked whether they considered their occupation a living, a trade, an art or a craft, the common response was "living" and "trade." Only the tailors in Beyoğlu were adamant that they practiced an "art," and keen to make a distinction between what they do and the kind of work done by others in the city. Repairs and alterations were not the work of "real tailors," both insisted; true tailorship is a creative undertaking that requires special skills and expertise. It takes about four days to make a suit, Akbaş told me, "The jackets are the hardest, and that is what we do best." Both Akbaş and Erdoğan were wearing clothes they had made themselves. Akbaş wore a natty navy blue three-piece suit with gold buttons, and Erdoğan, in his black corduroy pants with a matching vest and an understated wide tie, looked the epitome of working-chic.

A further distinction between the tailors of Beyoğlu and the others was the decor in their shops. Whereas most tailors in other areas had images, clippings, and often a Turkish flag or a photograph of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (or both) on their shop walls, the decor in 
Mustafa Ağınlı's shop inside the Grand Bazaar (Kapalı Çarşı) in 
Beyazıt features  several common attributes of Istanbul 
tailors' decor: a Turkish flag, a photograph of Atatürk, and an empty 
glass of tea. 
Beyoğlu consisted only of the tools and products of the trade and the ubiquitous two-tiered teapot. Just about everyone I spoke with started the conversation with an offer of tea. Mustafa Ağınlı, whose shop is tucked into one of the dead-end corridors of the famous Grand Bazaar (Kapalı Çarşı) in Beyazıt, even pointed to a backgammon board on a shelf on the wall and asked if I knew how to play. Ağınlı is technically retired, but he continues working to augment his pension and added with a dry irony that otherwise pervaded his responses, "If I stayed at home, I would just fight with my wife."

Because his shop is in an area with heavy tourist traffic, Ağınlı encounters a lot of foreigners, but relies on friends to help him communicate with them as he speaks only Turkish. The location makes him less dependent on the cycles that otherwise affect tailors working in the city. For them, winter is the slowest time and late summer the busiest—with the start of school, the abundance of weddings, and moving Muslim holidays such as Kurban Bayram and Ramadan. 

The hardest thing about being a tailor in Istanbul, Yılmaz told me, is the time pressure, "customers want things right away and it means we are always in a rush." I had a chance to see for myself what she meant. At Ali Öner's shop, a customer came with a pair of pants, which he altered on the spot; Öner measured the man's leg and sewed the hem in a matter of minutes. Another young man came in with a shirt. "Can you come back in two hours?" Öner asked. The customer said he had to go somewhere, so two hours was talked down to half an hour and for the remainder of the interview, Öner was cutting the seams on the cuffs as we spoke. Kerim Erdoğan initially told me he had no time to do an interview, but when I said I was unlikely to pass that way again, he pointed to a stool across from where he was working. "Ask," he said, and for the whole of the interview he sat there, one leg propped on a footstool, bent over a pair of pants that he was stitching with needle and thread for a customer who was leaving for Germany the next day.

There exists a union for textile workers in Turkey called TEKSİF. The Istanbul branch is 
Recep Türkmenoğlu (left) and Kerim Erdoğan at work on suit for 
a customer who was about to leave for Germany.
called the İstanbul Tekstil ve Örme Sanayi İşçileri Sendikası (Istanbul Textile and Weaving Industry Workers' Union) and has a reported membership of 11,600. The stated mandate of the union is “to protect the economic and social rights of its members in labor relations and to promote their interests and development. To effect this purpose, the state’s territorial and national integrity should be safeguarded and preserved in the spirit of Atatürk’s principles.” The union collects dues and holds meetings, but none of the tailors I spoke with held a very high opinion of it, and several claimed either not to be members or—in one case—that it didn't exist. When asked whether and how the union functioned, Ağınlı smiled and said, "We're in Turkey." 

Though it was clear the trade had changed a great deal since these tailors started working in it, Akbaş concluded with a heavy sigh that soon the kind of work he does will no longer be practiced by anyone because everyone will be buying suits off the rack. Erdoğan felt the most marked changes were in the fabrics and the customers: the fabrics had become thinner and the customers more difficult. Akbaş similarly waxed horrified about the proliferation of cheap, low-quality "Chinese" fabrics. English fabrics remained the best, he said. 

Yılmaz believes that the most essential characteristic of a good tailor is patience and being able to listen to customers and understand what they want, which is not always easy. Above all one has to be available to them all day, more or less every day of the year. Yılmaz is noticeably proud to have plenty of business and no shortage of work, but confessed that she sometimes found it difficult to work so much without a break. "I would have liked to travel, see the world" she said, "but it wasn't meant to be."

ARTIFACT: Claudia Verhoeven -- Fellini's launch pad

The launch pad on Claudia Verhoeven's home 
office wall
A print of a frame from Federico Fellini's film 8½ faces Claudia Verhoeven at her work table. I spoke with her about it on September 18, 2013 in New York. To listen to a recording of the conversation, click here

The frame shows a launch pad for a spaceship. Claudia explained:
"In the film this director is making a science fiction film...but he's having this crisis...he doesn't know how to go on, essentially, he doesn't really know what he wants to make, but he has to make this film, the project has to be launched creatively, metaphorically. But everything is falling apart."
She recalls watching the film while working on her dissertation (later book) on Dmitry Karakozov, the would-be assassin of the Russian tsar. "When I was watching it while writing the dissertation, at first, it was the most depressing film," she said, relating how, at one point in the film, the screenwriter approaches Guido [the Fellini character] and criticizes the project even as the launch pad is being dismantled in the background. "All his hopes and his memories are coming to nothingit all breaks down with this smug academic critic negating the potential creativity of this guy."
"But then...suddenly, the clown shows up from the side of the frame and says 'Everybody's ready! Come on! Come on!' And then Guido becomes the ringmaster of this crazy circus and he starts to do what he's supposed to, and that is to direct. And you get a sense that at that moment, when he does what he is supposed to do to fulfill his craft that everything will launch and elevate, and that's the moment when the picture moves." 
The reference to the moving picture is from a scene early in the film with one of Guido's childhood memories in which a girl shares with him a magic chant—"Asa NIsi MAsa"—and confides to him that "tonight is the night when the picture moves" (meaning the eyes of a painting will become animated and look back). "But really it's the soul [ANIMA] that animates a creative project and that's the kind of launch of it all." 
"To me 8½ is the most optimistic movie—in spite of all difficulties, if you somehow throw yourself into the moment, with a leap or some sort of daring, and also something kind of funny, something light has to be there, then you can have transcendence in your work." 
She mentioned another image, a note that Fellini stuck to the side of his camera during the filming of . It read "Ricordati che è un film comico” ("Remember that this is a comic film").
"He had to remind himself to do it with a light treatment and I think that's important—things get really heavy and we're so involved; you have to remember to be a little bit lighter and a little bit more comical...and do it with some grace. The film and that picture of the spacecraft work for me the same way that the sticker worked for Fellini, so I have the scaffold and the spaceship there to remind myself that it's not so bad in the end."
"Remember that this is a comic film"

EXTENDED PROFILE--The Life and Career of Professor István Deák

This is the first in a series of extended profiles on the lives and careers of scholars who work on East-Central Europe. It features six interviews with István Deák (b. 1926), Seth Low Professor Emeritus of History at Columbia University. 

Deák is the author of several books, including: 

Weimar Germany's Left-wing Intellectuals (1968)
The Lawful Revolution: Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians, 1848-1849 (1979)
Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-  1918 (1990)
Essays on Hitler's Europe (2001)

He also co-edited, together with Jan Gross and Tony Judt, The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and Its Aftermath (2000), and is currently completing a book manuscript, Europe on Trial: Collaboration, Resistance and Retribution during and after World War II, forthcoming with Westview Press.

The interviews were conducted at Prof. Deák's home in New York on December 5, 2009,  April 18, 2010 and October 6, 2013. Special thanks go to Ph.D. candidate in History at Cornell University, Máté Rigó, for serving as co-interviewer and for his assistance in recording and cataloging the interviews. 

Interview Themes
FIRST INTERVIEW SERIES
Part 1 - December 5, 2009

(0:45) Family
(1:37) Jewish ancestors, Moravia, 18th century, Székesfehérvár free royal city, Jews with an “exemption” who were allowed to reside within city limits
(3:00-4:55) Great-grandfather, Emmanuel
(4:56) Maternal side, Jewish family (the Zipsers), one rabbi ancestor, listed in Révai nagy lexicona [entry at right]
(6:20) Maajer Zipser, reformed rabbi
of Székesfehérvár, maternal great-grandfather of Deák; preached in Hungarian in the mid-19th century
(7:00) For his pro-Hungarian attitudes this rabbi ancestor entered into conflict with more conservative Jews and had to move to Rohonc, Hungary
Deák's paternal grand-
father, Dávid Deák
(1852-1940)
(7:46) Jewish laws, 1930s, social gap between priviliged and poor Jews in Horthy’s Hungary and during the Holocaust; 1938 Jewish Laws in Hungary favored Jews with long-standing origins in Hungary
(9:08) Chances of survival of his family during the Holocaust
(9:45) Original family  name "Deutsch"
(11:00) No knowledge of Yiddish among his ancestors; Grandfather spoke high German; Some of his grandfather’s siblings lived in Germany
(12:00) Textile merchant grandfather with a store on the main square of Székesfehérvár, highly respected patrician of the city who went to his store in a carriage in 1930s
(13:00) Large textile store
(15:27) Grandfather born in 1852
(16:00) WWI
(16:08) His father [István] attended Cistercian Gymnasium in Székesfehérvár; Half the class was Jewish, including Deák’s father
(17:07) No discrimination against Deák’s father and grandfather; His father never complained of anti-Semitism until WWII
(17:50) Deák’s father’s patriotic attitude towards Hungarian army till 1941
Deák's father, István Deák, Sr. (1892-1980) in
his Habsburg officer's uniform (~1916). At the
time he was lieutenant. In 1917 he became 
first lieutenant.
(18:20) Father attended Polytechnic University; Drafted into k.u.k. (Habsburg) army in 1914, fortress artillery
(19:00) Deák’s father’s experience on the Russian front, WWI; no tales of miseries, amusing anecdotes only
(19:51) General spotted and scolded Deák’s father because he did not have a mustache
(22:17) Deák’s father sent to Montenegro; the only military victory of his unit
(23:00) Brusilov offensive
(23:40) Cossacks
(23:52) Deák’s father transferred to Vienna in 1916, then charged with managing an ammunition depot at the end of the war in northern Italy
(26:00) Bad situation of POWs during WWI due to malnutrition, about a third of them died
(27:24) Deák’s father blew up the ammunition depot when Austria-Hungary surrendered
(28:00) Ethnic composition of Deák’s father’s unit; All reserve officers were Budapest engineers
(29:00) Reunion of Deák’s father’s WWI unit commanders in 1970s in Budapest
(29:30) Journey back from the front
(31:00) Deák’s father stayed in the army after 1918 to support himself
(31:40) Deák’s father became a Red Army soldier then a White Army soldier
(32:40) 1920 - Demobilized; Well-to-do family members helped Deák’s father transition to civilian life
Wedding photo of István and Anna
(Deák's parents) 
from 1920.
(34:00) 1920 - marriage of Deák’s parents; 1922 - Deák’s sister Éva is born; Deák’s father becomes a partner in a company
(35:00) 1926 - Family moved to Budapest; First apartment in Naphegy neighborhood in Buda; House overlooking the Danube
(36:00) Father’s brothers are wealthy merchants, with a car and trip to the Berlin Olympics
(36:30) Great Depression, collapse of Deák’s father’s company; Partner absconded to USA
(37:21) Deák’s grandfather and siblings pledge half a million pengő to save Deák’s father
(38:40) Father’s new job as chief engineer of BART bus company of Budapest
(39:00) Deák’s free entry to Palatinus bath on Margaret Island
(40:06) Father became chief secretary of the Association of Industrial Applied Arts in mid-1930s; He also rented and managed a garage for automobiles
Deák's mother, Anna Timár (1898-1961)
around 1920.
(41:36) Italian balilla visited Budapest and parked their motorcycles in Deák’s father’s garage
(42:00) Why Fascism was attractive to young people
(43:09) Hitlerjugend
(44:00) Nazism as experience of modernity and
(45:00) egalitarianism
(45:40) German attack on Yugoslavia through Hungary; egalitarianism
(47:21) Deák’s father in the USA to oversee the closing of the Hungarian pavilion; Went back in 1940 with steamship Rex
(48:30) Family relations
(50:17) Jewish-Gentile family relations
(51:00) Deák’s mother, education, fluent in German
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

Part 2 - December 5, 2009

(00:00)  Deák’s mother [Anna Timár], homemaker
(00:49) A housewife’s daily routine
Young István as a Hungarian boy scout at 
about age 7, on Pasaréti út in Budapest, at 
his godfather’s villa (~1933).
(3:45) Summer vacations every year in Austria in the 1930s; His father’s mother tongue was German
(5:00) Parents spoke German and French
(7:08) Assimilation in Deák’s family; Conversion of Deák’s father
(7:50) István Deák born a Catholic
(8:15) Revelation of Jewish origins at the age of 12; Experience of being Jewish in the 1930s
(9:50) Strategies of his family in the face of rising anti-Semitism in the 1920s and 1930s
(11:30) Deák's parents as practicing Catholics in the 1920s
(12:15) Catholic friends, the Hardis
(13:20) Experience of anti-Semitism as a teenager
(13:31) Application to high school, discrimination because of Jewish origins, rejection from the Piarist school; Accepted to Cistercian school as his father attended a Cistercian school
(15:40) Experience of discrimination in the scout movement
(17:00) Accepted to boy scout group due to his father’s bravery in WWI
(18:00) Anti-Semitic insult in the scout movement
(20:20) “Aryan” social world in Budapest, late 1930s, dilemmas
István Deák with his class at the Városmájor elementary school in Budapest, 1936. 
The 10-year-old István is seated in the second row, third from the right (in white).

(23:10) Anti-Jewish law was not applied rigorously
(24:00) Hungarian economy functioned because of Jewish participation till 1944, Jews in Hungary under Jewish laws
(25:00) Deák’s father (who spent several months in the US during 1939-1940) compared the situation of Jews in Hungary to that of blacks in America in the early 1940s
(29:00) Desire for a society without minorities in Hungary
(30:00) Changes of family names during WWII
(32:00) Anti-Swabian sentiment during WWII in Hungary
(34:00) Jewish origins of communist leaders during the Rákosi period
(34:30) [Meta-discussion about which parts of Deák’s life are worth discussing in the interview and why]
(37:00) The politics of Deák’s family members
(40:00) Trip to Northern Transylvania in 1941
(41:00) Apprenticeship at ceramic works in Korond, Northern Transylvania
(48:00) Hungarian army in Northern Transylvania
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

Part 3 - December 5, 2009


(00:00) Political views, progressive Catholicism in 1930s, KALOT, trade unions, strikes, Arrow Cross men, Jesuits
Deák's mother (of Jewish origin) in 1944 with a partly
forged ID card: the name is correct, but her maiden
name and other details were copied from their kindly
maid’s birth certificate. His mother's real maiden name
was not Keresztes, but Timár and she was born at
Székesfehérvár on February 25, 1898.
(6:00) Political orientation, 1943-1944
(9:11) Labor service, Father in Kistarcsa internment camp
(13:00) Hatvan, Zöldy, deportations, Jászberény
(19:40) Railway line construction, Northern Transylvania
(23:00) Miklós Horthy’s October 15, 1944 speech
(24:00) Béla Stollár helps Deák to hide
(25:00) Fake uniform during Arrow Cross rule
(26:00) Searching for grandmother in a death march, “the worst part of my life”
(27:00) Fate of his Jewish grandmother during the Holocaust
(30:00) Arrested by SS men in January 1945
(30:40) Set free by a Hungarian-German SS soldier
(32:00) Soviet liberation/occupation
(33:10) First contacts with communism
(36:00) Escape from Soviet detention
(37:40) Post-1945 political parties, communists, Social Democratic Party
(40:00) Károly Peyer, Béla Zsolt, Imre Kovács
(41:00) One reason for leaving Hungary
(42:00) 1947 elections, father disqualified, fake ballots
(44:30)  Passport, adventure of leaving Hungary, French visa
(46:50) Paris, trip to France from Hungary, experience of the West
(49:10) Zürich
(50:00) “Rue Budapest” in Paris
(52:00) Life in Paris, second half of 1940s, bureaucratic issues, France as a haven of stateless persons at the time, work experience in Paris
(1:00:00) Education in France
(1:01:20) London, England, Downing Street experience
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

SECOND INTERVIEW SERIES
Part 1 - April 18, 2010
Deák in Paris around 1950 (age 24) with his
then fiancé, Nancy.
(00:31) London
(3:00) Harvesting camp in England as university a student
(9:00) 11 Downing street, meeting the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Stafford Cripps
(16:00) Paris
(21:00) University life in France, prospects in France, work at Combat
(26:00) Political situation in France, 1940s, 1950s
(30:00) Algeria, split in French society
(43:00) Work at Camus’s paper, Combat
(48:00) Arletty, Maurice Chevalier - post-WWII lustration in France
(50:00) Social life, networks in France
(52:00) Views on religion
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

Part 2 - April 18, 2010

(00:00) Moving to Germany, the early 1950s
(02:40) Work at Radio Free Europe (RFE), 1951-1955, reviewed Hungarian newspapers, “mixed experience,” expulsion of parents from Budapest as a result
(05:00) privileges in Germany as RFE employee, life in Germany
(10:00) Politics at RFE, hiring part of the extreme right emigration by RFE
(11:12) Julián Borsányi, László Béry - participation in the Holocaust; Nazis into liberals
(16:00) 1955-1956, American propaganda towards East-Central Europe
(19:00) Role of RFE in 1956
(26:00) Studies in Germany
(28:00) Expulsion of parents from Mese utca, Budapest to Kőrösnagyharsány
(33:12) 1956 - Expulsion ends
(34:00) Almost daily correspondence with parents during communist era
(43:11) German friends, Germany in the 1950s, 1970/-71
(49:00) September 1956, Arrival to USA, graduate life at Columbia University
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

THIRD INTERVIEW SERIES
Part 1 - October 6, 2013

(00:12) First visit to US, 1955, settled in 1956 in New York, before the Hungarian Revolution
(02:15) First job at a publishing house in New York; worked for an academic book donation program, for Eastern European Countries; student at Columbia University
(08:15) The experience of the 1956 Revolution in New York
(10:15) Imre Kovács, Hungarian Peasant Party; bought air ticket for Budapest for November 4, 1956
(12:15) Discussion of Budapest family about emigration
(15:15) Family politics after 1945; victims of communism, expelled from Budapest in 1955; Deák’s sister wants to stay after 1956
(17:15) Fluid administrative practices in Hungary, 1956
(24:15) Arrival of 56ers to New York; carrier between 1956-1962
(26:15) Different groups of post-1944 emigrants from Hungary; identified himself with 1948er group; Ferenc Nagy
(29:15) CIA sponsored the minority democratic fraction of Hungarian émigrés; lack of mass support for democratic leaders of Hungarian emigres among Hungarians in US
(31:15) Tibor Eckhart
Deák running the New York City
Marathon in  1977
(35:15) Overrepresentation of emigres among academics; East-Central European Institute at Columbia University; Henry Roberts; started out as a West-Europeanist
(39:15) Sputnik crisis provided funding for the study of East-Central European history
(40:15) Job offer at Columbia; Hungarian studies at Columbia; Halasi Kun, János Lotz; funding for building an extensive Hungarian library collection
(43:15) Received tenure in 1967; “Sputnik money” – temporary funding for East-Central European studies
(46:15) Establishment of institutes of study of East-Central European studies in US; setting up centers
(47:45) Academic job crisis in 1970s
(50:15) 1980s and resurgence of East-Central European studies
(53:15) Global history
(55:15) Significance of Sputnik crisis
(58:15) European vs. East-Central European history; book project on European history of collaboration
(59:15) Involved in taking the Crown of Saint Stephen back to Hungary; recollections on the trip with the Crown to Budapest
(1:05:15) Scandal around return of the Crown; rightist Hungarian-American demonstrated; member of the delegation that took back the Crown
(1:15:15) Celebrations in Budapest
(1:17:15)  Relationship to Hungary
(1:22:15) Vision of a democratic Hungary, 1945; Hungarian politics, 1945-2013
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/34132

[See also the interview with Prof. Deák conducted on April 29, 2009 in Ithaca, NY, as part of the regular blog series.]

Interview with John Ackerman--July 31, 2013

John Ackerman's office in the Cornell University Press
building (Sage House), featuring covers of books
by some of his authors.
Interview with John Ackerman, Director of Cornell University Press and the Europe and Russia/USSR acquisitions editor there. Interview conducted in Ithaca, NY on July 31, 2013. 

Ackerman studied Russian/Soviet history at Stanford and has acquired, edited and published some of the seminal works in the fields of East-Central European and Russian/Soviet history and literature, including Ivo Banac's The National Question in Yugoslavia and With Stalin against Tito, Wendy Bracewell's The Uskoks of Senj, Roman Koropeckyj's Adam Mickiewicz, Mark Thompson's book on Danilo Kiš, Birth Certificate, Yuri Slezkine's Arctic Mirrors, Laura Engelstein's The Keys to Happiness, Lewis Siegelbaum's Cars for Comrades, and Valerie Kivelson's Cartographies of Tsardom. He has also published works by some of the younger scholars featured on this blog, including James Ward's biography of Jozef Tiso, Priest, Politician, Collaborator, and Claudia Verhoeven's The Odd Man Karakazov


Interview Themes

Ackerman's early attraction to and training in Russian and Soviet history (1:37)
The atmosphere and cohort at Stanford when Ackerman did his graduate work there (4:45)
Why did people with an interest in contemporary politics in the 1950s and 1960s turn to 19th century Russian literature as their way in to the field? (7:56)
On how others who studied the region came to the field; a common path? (11:55)
Ackerman's first (and last) visit to the USSR in 1970 (13:23)
On the importance of Ackerman's training in Russian/Soviet history for his work as an editor (18:45)
Books Ackerman has edited to which he is especially attached (23:41)
On how changes in the way university presses operate have affected what they publish and what those changes will mean for the future of the field (31:04)
Was there ever a heyday for university presses and when did it end? (35:33)
On how important it is for a field to have acquisitions editors with knowledge and expertise in that field (46:11)
How presses have created and/or sustained fields otherwise perceived as marginal (49:44)
On what kinds of niches presses develop to sustain their publishing lists (51:52)
How the field of East-Central Europe/Russia/USSR compares to areas like France in terms of scholarly publishing (56:00)
Ackerman's views on scholarly trends (borderlands, environmental history, etc.) and their impact on the field as a whole (59:20)
On books in our field with staying power (1:03:15)
Ackerman on what makes a good editor (1:08:35)
On the invisibility of the editor and what is rewarding about the profession (1:18:59)
Ackerman on what makes good writing (1:24:00)
Books that have had a particularly strong impact on Ackerman (1:31:11)
How Ackerman goes about the process of editing (1:35:49) -- See the "Artifacts" page for a photo and description of Ackerman's editing pencil
Ackerman's views on open access and its likely impact on academic publishing (1:42:19)
How Ackerman envisions an ideal future for academic publishing (1:54:29)
Ackerman's sense of how readers and readerships have changed over the past few decades (2:04:48)
What Ackerman wants for the books he publishes (2:10:23)
To access interview, click here: http://hdl.handle.net/1813/33737